A tale with a twist...
Once upon a time there was a man named Rafael Guillen. Rafael was born into a middle-class Mexican family and lived a very active life in the city. He was passionate about the arts and political activism and was a keen reader of Marx and Foucault. Rafael had a family and was also a lecturer at the Autonomous Metropolitan University of Mexico. Then one day in the early 1980s Rafael made a decision that would change his life forever. He left his family, left his well paid job in the University, left the city and made the long trip to Chiapas where he joined other mestizo and indigenous militants in the jungle. On the 17th November 1983 the (EZLN) Zapatista National Liberation Army was founded. Shortly after Rafael passed away and Marcos was born as they explain:
“Marcos Montes de la Selva ('Marcos of the mountains of the jungle') ... was born in the guerilla camp called Agua Fria in the Lacandon jungle, Chiapas, in the early morning one day in August 1984... The man with the voice says that he was reborn the first of January 1994 ... He of the voice confesses that, before being born, being able to possess everything in order to have nothing, he decided to have nothing in order to have everything” (EZLN, 1995)
A decade later in the early hours of January 1st 1994 Carlos Selinas, the Mexican president was celebrating both New Years eve and the implementation of the (NAFTA) North American Free Trade Agreement between Canada, the United States and Mexico, which signalled Mexicos entry into the 'First World'. Described as a 'death sentence' that would uproot an estimated 15 million farmers NAFTA was discretely passed without consultation nor regard for the devastating consequences it's implementation entailed (Chiapaslink: 2000:26). Another page in the dominant story of Neo-liberal Global Capitalism as it's dogmatic and destructive one size fits all approach to economics maximises profits at all costs. Then came the twist. Without warning 'a group of 3'000 Tzotzil, Tzeltal, Tojolabal, Zoque, Chol and Ma'am indigenous guerillas, lightly armed and masked with black ski-masks or red scarves, attacked and occupied several municipalities and townships in the south-eastern Mexican state of Chiapas' ( Mentinis,2006:xi) as they declared war on the Mexican government who they accused of waging an undeclared genocidal war against the people of Mexico (El Kilombo Intergalactic, 2007:3). The Zapatista Army for National Liberation had gate crashed the stage of history.
The aim of this essay is to explore the ways and with what successes the Zapatistas presented workable alternatives to capitalism. In order to do this the Zapatistas conception of what they term the 4th World War, the first truly total global war of “The Empire of Money” against humanity shall be explained before touching upon some of the main principles of their philosophy of Zapatismo which hints at how the Zapatistas aim to resist capitalism and instead create successful alternatives. What then follows is an exploration of how the Zapatistas managed to create autonomous alternatives in the jungle. The concept of indigenous autonomy is clarified before mentioning the autonomous health, education and economic projects followed by a detailed exploration of the Good Government Councils, their organisation and decision-making processes. Following this is an examination of how the Zapatistas managed to cultivate solidarity globally via their impressive use of discourse combined with their practise of encounter and 'asking we walk'. Finally the limitations of the Zapatista uprising is considered before concluding with a consideration of the ways and with what successes they have presented workable alternatives to capitalism.
The 4th World War, Zapatismo and a struggle for humanity against neoliberalism
The Zapatistas have an intimate understanding of the 'destructive effects of capitalist development on their communities, culture and environment. This destruction has only been intensified by the onset of neoliberal economic reforms since the early 1980s which triggered the uprising' (Chiapaslink, 2000:26) As neoliberalism indiscriminately kills millions by war, starvation and disease globally the Zapatistas have conceptualised neoliberal corporate globalisation as the Fourth World War (They consider the Cold War to be the 3rd World War, which was an ideological war between capitalism and communism). They explain that this is the first truly total war as it is a war on all fronts between the “Empire of Money” and humanity. 'The main objectives of this war are: first, the capture of territory and labour for the expansion and construction of new markets; second, the extortion of profit; and third, the globalisation of exploitation' (El Kilombo Intergalactico, 2007:4). That the Zapatistas perceive themselves immersed within a World War explains how they choose to communicate their struggle as a part of a global struggle for humanity and against neoliberalism which in many respects has been key to their successes in engaging and securing the solidarity and support of the global community. Despite the various goals and demands that have been attributed to the EZLN, Subcommandante Marcos, the elected Spokesperson of the Zapatistas makes it clear that their aim is to “change the world” (El Kilombo Intergalactico, 2007:3), to create a world where many worlds fit, a world which guarantees dignity and self-determination, a world where capitalism is replaced by autonomy, freedom, democracy and justice. In a 2006 interview Marcos asks:
“Why are we going to settle with saying, well, okay, good enough that the capitalists just don't destroy nature completely. We're going to make laws so they can't contaminate rivers, destroy the beaches, the air, and all of this. But, why do we have to settle for there being capitalists at all? That is the next question. We could demand that they give us good salaries, or that prices not be so high, or that they don't manufacture such trash. But why does there have to be someone that does this? Why don't we do it ourselves? (El Kilombo Intergalactico, 2007:42)
Liberating Revolution from the Inside-Out
Zapatismo as a theory stands in stark contrast to the bulk of traditional revolutionary theories and ideologies of the past. Zapatismo couldn't care less about revolutionary vanguards building movements that aim to take state power, giving blueprints or even pretending to know the answers regarding what should be done. Instead the liberatory essence and strength of Zapatismo is found in those opposites. The Zapatistas aim to prefigure the world they want to create in the here and now with the available resources at hand. Means used are more than just ends in the making they are one and the same thing. As a struggle for self-determination and democracy Zapatismo is inherently a struggle against power and therefore the 'methods adopted cannot be those of the powerful' (Holloway & Paleaz, 1998:5). Party politics is replaced by “Command Obeying”, answers are substituted with “Asking we walk” as dialogue and learning become central to the cultivation of a revolution that is committed to the dignity of every self-emancipating individual involved.
Articulating dignities whilst asking we walk
From their isolated communities hidden in the jungle struggling with limited resources and abject poverty the success of the Zapatista revolution depends upon the extent to which they can engage support and solidarity from others outside their communities. They must consider how to most effectively articulate their struggle in ways that would resonate with and include others. As John Holloway states 'the revolt of dignity derives its strength from the uniting of dignities. This is where the concept of dignity as an inclusive category of struggle finds most relevance as it is a concept that transcends and includes all identities. The Zapatistas weren't aiming to gain empathy for their struggle as indigenous mexicans but instead aiming to articulate their dignity as human beings that are just like you and everyone else regardless of identity. The EZLN made it very clear from the start of their rebellion that 'theirs is a revolutionary strategy which emphasises civil society, which demands that politics be stripped from the state and the political parties and reborn in the community as a whole' (Chiapaslink, 2000:29) To cultivate a world where many worlds fit from the bottom up without taking power the Zapatistas have committed to an ethic of reaching out to and encountering others. 'We advance by asking not by telling: by suggesting, arguing, proposing, inviting, looking for links with other struggles which are the same struggle, looking for responses, listening for echoes' (Holloway, 1998:179) Preguntando caminamos or 'asking we walk' embodies the revolutionary importance of asking questions to others, listening to others and learning from others. A testament to the above can be found in the Sixth Declaration of the Lacandon Jungle where Marcos writes:
“We want to tell all of those who are resisting and fighting all over the world in their own way and in their own countries that you are not alone, that we, the Zapatistas, though we are very small, support you and we are going to see how we can help you in your struggles and how to speak to you in order to learn from you, because what we have learned, in fact, is to learn' (Cited in El Kilombo Intergalactico, 2007:79)
Zapatismo is the theory but what does this mean in practise. How have the Zapatistas managed to create successful alternatives to capitalism inside the Lacandon jungle whilst also maintaining the crucial support needed from the outside. What does autonomy look like? How did they articulate their dignities in a way that resonated with the rest of the world? How did they approach the cultivation of a world where many worlds fit through encountering others and asking questions? What problems exist? What are the limitations and what can be learnt from what the New York Times described as the first ever post-modern revolution?
Prefiguring autonomy in the jungle
Autonomy translates from Greek as 'self-legislation' and is a belief system that values freedom from external authority (TRAPESE, 2007). Indigenous autonomy is understood as respect for the internal practices and decision-making of indigenous peoples. Central to it's practise 'is a communities ability to handle it's own problems and to sustain itself on available resources' (Hollon & Lopez, 2007:54). Due to the constant betrayals of the Mexican government a 'central distinguishing characteristic of autonomy for the Zapatistas has become complete independence from government resources' (Hollon & Lopez, 2007:55). Assistance is received from various international solidarity organisations though the project of autonomy is ultimately driven by the capacity of the women and the men who live there to care for one another. In this sense autonomy can be viewed as the cultivation and reconstruction of the links between people 'that the system has destroyed every day for centuries. At the same time, it is based on the idea that unless changes take place “between ourselves”, they simply do not exist (Zibechi, 2004: 398). So it is then the 'nurturing of social relationships and interpersonal bonds that provide the networks in which the movements anti-capitalist frame is based' and 'allow for the creation of alternatives to capitalist and state dependent development' (Hollon & Lopez, 2007) Hollon & Lopez refer to this as autonomous capacity building:
“Autonomous capacity building (where autonomy is both a means and object of the process) is a weapon for combating the intricately intertwined hegemony of neoliberalism and coercion of the nation-state. What we refer to as autonomous capacity building, means those systems, places, and practises that build independence from this hegemony. It is an alternative to development that resists and attempts to dismantle the co-opting influence of global capital over community futures, and desires much more than a world where every corner of the earth is turned into a site for productive investment.” (Hollon & Lopez, 2007:52)
Resistance to capitalisms inherent neo-colonialist logic which aims to maximise profit by encroaching into every corner of the globe to commodify and privatise resources whilst crushing cultures and destroying the environment is central to autonomous capacity building. The Zapatistas see their struggle as an explicitly long-term project and with no end to the rebellion in sight they are continuously preparing their people for future leadership and are actively cultivating a politics that values the role of every generation in the rebellion' (ibid:50) As they say “we walk, we do not run, because we are going far”. The indigenous socialisation process and traditional cargo system causes Zapatistas to assume an extremely high level of responsibility for their communities and revolutionary action and militancy is normalised. Militancy becomes a 'non-negotiable political ethical dimension in how they prepare for the future given both the immensity of injustice and scarcity or resources' (Hollon & Lopez, 2007:54) The indigenous collective practise of cargo offers a social economy based in a political movement where individual roles are given to reflect 'their capacity, their potential, and the necessary operations of the community as a whole' (Hollon & Lopez, 2007:50) It is vital that autonomous communities operate interdependently with each other, cooperating whilst developing an understanding of each others struggle and working together to create lasting cultures of resistance. This means nurturing the distinctiveness of their 'struggles, where communities learn from each other so that they are better able to guide themselves, and where we build from the unique dynamics from our own contexts so that they can transform them' (Hollon & Lopez, 2007:60). In order for the Zapatistas to independently assume responsibility for their social reproduction, autonomous capacity building has focussed on the creation of autonomous healthcare, education and co-operative economic projects which we shall now touch upon before focussing on how the Zapatistas create decision-making processes that avoid the concentration of power and maximise self-determination.
Alternative health, education and economic projects
The health system is a 'network of community micro-clinics, and one full-sized clinic equipped with ambulances and the capacity to perform basic surgeries' (Hollon & Lopez, 2007) The clinics 'integrate western medicine with traditional healing and focus both on learning new medical technologies and recovering the knowledge, use, and supply of herb and plant-based medicines' (El Kilombo Intergalactico, 2007:15) Organisation such as “Doctors Without Borders” and “Doctors of the World” have provided volunteer medics to help capacitate the health promoters in each community (Global Exchange, 2002:31) The autonomous health system has been a crucial tool when faced with the low intensity war being waged by the Mexican government on Zapatista communities. The Zapatista education system that was born in 2004 was 'a response to the general question posed by Zapatismo: what does our community need and how can we provide that for ourselves' (Hollon & Lopez, 2007: 55). As a result primary and secondary schools now 'provide sites for children and youth to gain academic skills, to study the history of their peoples struggle and to learn about the continued threats to their communities' (ibid, 2007:55) Cooperative economic projects include collective warehouses for coffee and other crops, transportation collectives, women's cooperatives, traditional weaving and Radio Insurgente, the Zapatista radio service that disseminates information about the resistance. For the Zapatistas 'economic progress is only meaningful if it makes the community stronger by stabilizing the lives of the residents and improves the capacity to resist neoliberalism's co-opting influence' (Hollon & Lopez, 2007:51) These are the three main areas of autonomous capacity building which the Zapatistas have managed to create largely with the resources available to them and with limited assistance from outside organisations. As the Zapatistas revolution is a movement against power and instead for democracy and self-determination how do they create decision-making processes that avoid the concentration of power and instead maximise the self-determination of each individual?
The Good Government & “Command Obeying”
Seen as a radicalism of the way in which Mayan speaking communities have organised themselves for thousands of years the Zapatistas have 'developed an elaborate system in which communal assemblies, operating on consensus are knitted together by councils with recallable delegates' (Graeber cited in Conant, 2010:273) The Zapatistas organise themselves into local assemblies which are collective-decision making bodies that not only function to make consensus-decision making a reality 'but also to ensure the circulation and socialisation of information that will make an informed decision possible' (El Kilombo Intergalactico, 2007:14) These local community assemblies are grouped regionally to make up Zapatista Municipalities which correspond to the 'autonomous self-governing bodies called “Good Government Councils”, one in each of the five zones of the Zapatista territory (Ibid: 14) The Good Government Councils are comprised of community members from each municipality who are delegated by and accountable to the assemblies. The amount of time that they fulfil their role on the Council may range from a few weeks to a few months 'with every position subject to immediate revocation by the assemblies if a delegate does not follow the community mandate' (ibid:14). “Command Obeying” encapsulates the Zapatistas concept of democracy. Here we see power maintained in the communities as a whole with decisions being made from the bottom up and all delegates being accountable to the communities they serve. This is how the Zapatistas overcome the problem of power which ultimately serves to empower everyone within the community:
“This system of assemblies and governing councils demonstrates that the only way to avoid the division of society into the oppressive dichotomy of rulers and ruled is to invent structures where all rule; everyone at some point governs, just as everyone after governing, returns to the cornfield or to the kitchen to continue the daily work of the community” (ibid:14)
A notable aspect of the Good Government Councils is its justice system which 'reflects a culturally sensitive method of maintaining justice where there is no specific written law, where those with positions of influence do not receive a salary, and where the highest authority is the community' (Hollon & Lopez, 2007:53). The main focus is on mediation and restorative justice which has proven so successful that 'non-Zapatista communities often bring their cases to the Councils rather than to municipal or state courts' (El Kilombo Intergalactico, 2007:15). The justice system, alongside the Good Government Councils and the autonomous healthcare, education and economic projects that enable the Zapatistas to socially reproduce themselves autonomously from within the isolation of the jungle are undeniably impressive alternatives to the exploitative, anti-democratic and oppressive institutions promoted by the state and capitalism yet it would be naïve and unhelpful to idealise these experiments which inherently come with their own list of problems which shall be explored later.
Sustaining autonomy in the face of state repression
In order to sustain these autonomous alternatives to capitalism the Zapatistas had to understand how to successfully resist the repression from the Mexican state. Initially the Mexican government sent 15'000 troops to crush the rebels whilst simultaneously putting it's propaganda machine into full swing which attempted to downplay and isolate the rebellion (Chiapaslink, 2000:31). By 2000 the number of troops had risen to 70'000 which is a third of the national army (ibid:32) Residents have been regularly harassed, raped and murdered, houses searched, belongings stolen, water supplies contaminated and crops destroyed by the governments ongoing low-intensity warfare that it continues to wage to this day (ibid:33) This repression 'has to be understood in the wider context of the threat posed to global capitalism by Zapatismo' (ibid: 38) As the Chase Manhattan Emerging Markets Group internal report stated in 1995, a month before the military offensive:
“While Chiapas, in our opinion, does not pose a fundamental threat to Mexican political stability, it is perceived so by many in the investment community. The government will need to eliminate the Zapatistas to demonstrate effective control of the national territory and of security policy” (Cited in Chiapaslink, 2000:38)
The only way in which the Zapatistas could resist the power of the Mexican State and the capitalist interests it inherently represents is by building a national and global counter-hegemony that could challenge the system and prevent the Zapatistas from facing annihilation. They needed to articulate their dignities in a way that resonated with the hearts and minds of the global community asking them to not just watch over the Zapatistas but in addition to join them in cultivating a revolution for humanity and against no-liberalism and collectively creating a world where many worlds fit. The extent to which this is achieved determines the extent to which the autonomous alternatives being created in the jungle and the very survival of the community can be sustained.
Articulating dignities with poetics of resistance
On January 1st 1994 Subcommandante Marcos was stood in the main square of San Cristobal making declarations to the cameras and communicating to other units through a radio. Amidst the surprise and confusion a frustrated tour guide 'raised his voice to say that he had to take some tourists to see the ruins of Palenque. Marcos lost his patience but not his sense of humour. “The road to Palenque is closed,” he said. “We have taken Ocosingo. We apologise for any inconvenience but this is a revolution.” (cited in Mentinis: 2006:8) This moment neatly conveys Marcos' understanding of the importance of discourse and not just finding channels through which it can be disseminated but also the tone and style of its content. In a former life he began his thesis with this quote from Michel Foucault:
“Discourse is not simply that which translates struggles or system of domination, but that which and by means of which struggle occurs.” (Foucault cited in Conant, 2010:236)
Through written communiques, electronic mail, jokes, fables, masks, dolls, songs, storys, radio broadcasts, films, poems, murals, posters, and more, 'the Zapatistas were able to break out of the state's attempted isolation and reach others with their ideas and their programme for economic and political revolution' (Cleaver, 1998: 80) If the medium is the message then there is no doubt that an inclusive and plural world of creativity, joy, love and laughter is what is being proposed. Indeed the genius of their strategy is the inclusive language employed in communicating the cause of creating a world where many worlds fit, a cause that values justice, freedom, democracy and dignity, a cause that is fighting for humanity and against no-liberalism (Conant, 2010:15) As Mentinis explains their discourse 'consists of heterogenous elements, ranging from liberal premises to anarchist ideals, or better is a kind of synthesis of discourses that, traditionally, have been considered to be incompatible, unbridgeable and opposing.' (Mentinis, 2006:137) and in this sense has cast a wide net that has managed to catch the imagination and secure the support of many political groups and activists on the left and beyond. A popular illustration of this strategy can be found in Marcos' response to a reporter who enquired into his identity:
“Marcos is gay in San Francisco, black in South Africa, an Asian in Europe, a Chicano in San Tsidro, an anarchist in Spain, a Palestinian in Israel, a Mayan Indian in the streets of San Cristobal, a Jew in Germany, a Gypsy in Poland, a Mohawk in Quebec, a pacifist in Bosnia, a single woman on the Metro at 10 P.M., a peasant without land, a gang member in the slums, an unemployed worker, an unhappy student and, of course, a Zapatista in the mountains.” (cited in Klein, 2005:211)
In his 2010 book Jeff Conant refers to the sum of the values and the visions that resound in the voice of Zapatismo as the poetics of resistance. He suggests that the Zapatistas are masters of both the creation of spectacles and branding and that through the myriad of mediums utilised they have 'filled what might be described as a psycho-emotional need for stories of resistance in the international left' (Conant, 2010:40). Unlike the spectacles created by consumer capitalism that serve to alienate and separate, 'the Zapatista web of propaganda creates and manipulates spectacle to re-establish connection – to reject the alienation of individuals from both history and society, and to reunite each to each and all to all' (Conant, 2010:42) Similarly with their use of branding the aim has been 'not to increase revenue but rather to encourage other forms of exchange: solidarity, reciprocity, material aid, human rights accompaniment, and so on' which since 1994 it has been received in significant quantities. It is this 'careful image management, along with a clear and consistent message, that prevented the Zapatistas suffering the same fate as the multitudes slaughtered in neighbouring Guatemala in the 1980s' (Conant, 2010:41) To reach out and resonate is one part of a wider strategy that aims to create a world in which many worlds fit. The monologue however must develop into a dialogue and the spectacle must turn into an open ended situation that welcomes all participants. This is where the Zapatista ethic of encounter and principle of 'asking we walk' find their revolutionary significance.
By asking we walk towards a world where many worlds fit
The first important encounter was the National Democratic Convention of August 1994 which brought more than 6'000 activists into the heart of the jungle. (Holloway, 1998:178) This was followed up in April 1996 with the first Continental Encounter, and the First Intercontinental Encounter for Humanity and Against Neo-Liberalism, also known as the Intergalactic, in July of the same year. The response to the Intergalactic was quite phenomenal with over 3'000 grass roots activists from over 40 countries gathering in Chiapas to engage in a collective process of posing questions and seeking answers. Questions such as 'How does the power we have rebelled against affect you?' and 'What is the common ground between us?' (Chiapaslink, 2000:30) This was followed up with yet another Intercontinental Encounter for Humanity and Against Neo-Liberalism the following year in Barcelona which 'have been the two most central events of a process of building international networks and alliances among various political groups' (Mentinis, 2006:138) and are widely acknowledged as being 'crucial to the formation of the alterglobalisation movement and the subsequent events that were to take place in Seattle, Prague and Genoa' (El Kilombo Intergalactico, 2007:13) The ethic of encounter can never be exhausted as the more people come together and share with each other the stronger they become and the stronger the movement becomes. Which is ultimately the aim of the encounter. The Other Campaign of 2005 is a significant example that will help to illustrate this and the liberatory essence of 'asking we walk'.
All of us are 'Other'...
With the release of the Sixth Declaration of the Lacandon Jungle another series of encounters were announced: The Other Campaign. The Other Campaign involved an EZLN commission visiting every state of the Mexican Republic in order to practise the politics of listening. The Other Campaign did not aim to impact upon the presidential elections nor pressure the government to meet any demands. Instead the Other Campaign was about creating a space for people to come together and solve the problems that politicians and governments were inherently incapable of solving. When asked about those that wanted The Other Campaign to aim to influence the presidential elections happening the same year as The Other Campaign Marcos replied: “They want to change presidents, to switch governments. We don't want the government. We want another country, another world' (El Kilombo Intergalactico, 2007:42) The Other Campaign in this sense aimed to create a non-state public sphere in which people could connect and find common ground through the sharing of stories and ideas for change. According to Marcos it 'wasn't about constructing a world rebellion. That already exists. It's about constructing the space where this rebellion encounters itself, shows itself , begins to know itself' (Marcos cited in Kilombo Intergalactico, 2007:40) It aimed to 'build the foundation necessary to reconstitute an anti-capitalist Left from Below – an anti capitalist Left that directly speaks for the multitudes who traditionally have been ignored, neglected and oppressed' (Navarro, 2006:47). This is conveyed clearly in the Sixth Declaration where it reads:
“We are going to go to listen to, and talk directly with, without intermediaries or mediation, the simple and humble of the Mexican people, and, according to what we hear and learn, we are going to go about building, along with those people who, like us, are humble and simple, a national program of struggle, but a program which will be clearly of the left, or anti-capitalist, or anti-neoliberal, or for justice, democracy and liberty for the Mexican people.”
From rural communities to down town plazas and inner city slums, the tour engaged with a diverse array of individuals from diverse political projects and varying forms of associations. From Marxists to Anarchists, Feminists to Environmentalists, Collectives, Unions, NGOs, Artists, Students,and more (Navarro, 2006:29) Marcos would 'encourage people to join and participate in the Other Campaign, but the backbone of the tour consisted in the hours-long meetings where Marcos and the ragtag crew of organisational representatives and independent media correspondents who followed him – sat listening to tales of repression and exclusion, of resistance and autonomous government projects' (Gibler cited in Conant, 2010:305) By identifying capitalism as the root cause of many of the problems faced – racism, environmental degradation, human rights abuse, patriarchy, poverty, etc – the Other Campaign provided a common anti-capitalist framework for many movements that have historically found themselves diverging into distinct issue areas (Conant, 2010:306) Not only did the Other Campaign generate a network between these rebellions it also strengthened them all by bringing their individual experiences and insights together so that they could learn from each other. The public reappearance of the EZLN was covered widely by the corporate media not just in Mexico but internationally which provided all groups involved with a public visibility, and a horizon of struggle that none possessed individually. (Navarro, 2006:31) The Zapatistas understand that in order for them to challenge the Hegemony of the state and neo-liberalism they need to develop their own capacity and the capacity of others to become subjects of change that can challenge the system. The Other Campaign 'is a powerful lesson in how a movement cannot put the question of what needs to be done ahead of the level of politicisation needed to do it' (Hollon & Lopez, 2007:62) The art and power of encounter, asking questions and finding common ground have been crucial tools utilised by the Zapatistas as they strived to build a counter-hegemony to the neoliberal order that could effectively challenge the system and in turn ensure their continued survival and the sustainability of the autonomous alternatives they have created in Chiapas.
With their limited numbers and resources the extent to which the Zapatistas have managed to create a new world in the jungle whilst also reaching out to inspire and engage other worlds to form a global anti-capitalist movement for humanity and against no-liberalism is quite phenomenal Through their ability and commitment to cultivating autonomous alternatives, articulating their dignities in a way that resonates and by asking in order to walk with others we find the Zapatistas strengths. Paradoxically it also where we find some key weaknesses that shall now be considered.
Autonomy or self-determination?
As explained earlier the idea of indigenous autonomy entails respect for the internal practises and decision-making of indigenous peoples. But what if these internal practises are oppressive? Autonomy isn't synonymous with democratic and the libertarian rhetoric of autonomy can serve to 'camouflage anti-democratic and reactionary practises, substituting the state apparatus with oppressive traditions and local elites. In the case of the Zapatistas, tradition, community customs and authoritarian militarised structures very often assume a dominant role in Zapatista communities' (Mentinis, 2006:144) The tradition of cargo seems antithetical to self-determination as instead it is others that determine your role rather than individuals voluntarily deciding their own and there is 'neither equality in decision making, nor are women satisfied with their position within the communities' (ibid, 2006:143) Though the Zapatistas don't receive any government funding they have been partially dependent upon other sources in order to sustain their communities which come with their own influences and strings attached. To exemplify the above we can consider an autonomous school project which was constructed by a US based NGO called Escuela para Chiapas (Schools for Chiapas) whose existence depended 'almost exclusively on aid from the United States' (ibid, 2006:146) The building itself reproduces dominant relations of power and perpetuates 'established hierarchies between the various strata of the school' (ibid, 2006:146) A three indigenous person committee were responsible for taking all decisions concerning the school with the young people that attend having absolutely no voice. 'The anti-democratic character of the school takes the form of an authoritarian and oppressive structure with punishment lurking everywhere' (ibid, 2006:149). Inspiring and effective models of democratic liberatory critical education projects can be found all over the world throughout human history. From Francisco Ferrer to Paulo Friere to Ivan Illich and all those that came before, in-between and after them, there is no shortage of theory and practise regarding alternative education. Instead of students setting the agenda, deciding the curriculum or having access to the rich wealth of critical social theory that exist 'Marcos emerges as the principal ideologue of the Zapatista youth, and the ideologisation process becomes inevitable' (ibid, 2006:148). This brings us on to the next subject of our critique, the man behind the mask whose rhetoric managed to capture the hearts, minds and imagination of oppressed people all over the world: Subcommandante Marcos.
Many Yeses or One?
That this story began how it did is indicative of the problem. If the aim of the EZLN is to create a world where there is One No and Many Yeses, a world where many worlds fit and everyone is heard then why is it that one voice has been elevated to a position of such prominence over others. No doubt Marcos has a way with words and this ability to resonate with others has been a key strategy in the Zapatistas relative success, however, it is his voice that has dominated the discourse to the exclusion of others. This has led to somewhat of a personality cult as Marcos has gained something that smells similar to celebrity status which is surely antithetical to the anti-power, anti-leaders ethos of the EZLN. This has generated 'controversy, disillusion, and, in a movement that prizes transparency and horizontalism, more than occasional disdain. In fact, by late 2008, Marcos' protagonismo (a Spanish word widely used by Mexican activists to refer to those who take up too much space, dominating the discourse and alienating the rest) had offended so many people within the movement that returning to the heart of darkness in colonial literature, he continued to invite casual comparisons to Joseph Conrads Colonel Kurtz (Conant, 2010:241) In the same way that the Zapatistas used a diverse plurality of mediums to connect with the public it seems strange that they didn't use a wide variety of voices thus clearly communicating that there's is a movement against leadership and a movement where everyone's voice matters, this may have engaged, empowered and secured the support of even wider sectors of civil society.
Humanity against Neo-liberalism?
A related point to consider would be this strategy of attempting to build a broad counter-hegemony through encounter and the ethic of 'asking we walk'. The task of uniting broad sections of society that at times have contradictory and opposing theories, values and methods is no small one and although the Zapatistas made significant progress in doing so unbreachable chasms between different groups still exist. This isn't a criticism of the Zapatistas ethic of encounter nor the importance of asking questions to others and listening. On the contrary these processes seem key to radical social change. It is instead an awareness that these processes take time, skill, energy and persistence. They also need to be happening amongst all peoples globally in the spirit of collective learning, popular education, skill sharing and developing together, constantly.
Resist & Create?
These limitations have proven extremely costly as Zapatista numbers are shrinking and the administration of Felipe Calderon has taken a hard-line 're-establishing military bases throughout Chiapas; paramilitary threats – incursions, confrontations, beatings, killings, are on the rise like at no time since the mid-1990s' (Conant, 2020:334). Also between 2006 and 2009 an estimated 10'000 deaths occurred in Mexicos drug war which means that the Zapatistas fail to compete for the attention they have so often depended upon (ibid:336). The challenge of maintaining resistance in the face of hunger and misery is no doubt taking its toll and at no point since the uprising have the Zapatistas been in more need of the solidarity and support of the global community as, of course, applies to countless oppressed peoples all over the world.
Conclusions: Just the beginning...
Lessons are to be learnt from the limitations of the Zapatistas revolutionary uprising. To prefigure a liberated world in the here and now by embodying the values, principles, ethics and practises of that world is of crucial importance. Revolution itself should be understood as a constant never-ending process of mutual liberation. A building from the inside-out, starting with self and those closest whilst understanding that humanity is an interdependent whole. In order to liberate self I must engage in the liberation of others as no one is free until everyone's free. Despite their limitations the Zapatistas made significant process down this road and have left an astonishing legacy. They understood the powerful interplay of theory, discourse and practise offering Zapatismo, their poetics of resistance and concrete alternatives that have served to educate, inspire and empower the people of Chiapas, Mexico and all over the world. The 'movement of movements', the recent wave of global anticapitalist struggle that has emerged over the last two decades, from Seattle, Genoa and Washington to Buenos Aires, Durban and beyond all acknowledge the Zapatista uprising as being the key hallmark event of that cycle of struggle. As Mentinis (2006) notes how the Zapatista insurrection 'inspired and pushed further ongoing struggles; assisted, fomented the formation of new ones, and initiated a process of rethinking radical politics inciting, once more the revolutionary imaginary' (Mentinis, 2006:137) which he claims to be their greatest victory of all. A victory which 'expands beyond the territorial boundaries of the movement... beyond all its limitations, and touches the very core of the global deployment of the project of autonomy: insurrection' (ibid: 179) The Zapatistas managed to rewrite revolutionary theory and practise and have injected revolutionary discourse with a new vocabulary as 'Zapatismo as a theoretical approach and “a way of doing politics” is everywhere' (Conant, 2010:334) The movement 'dramatically modified revolutionary iconography by forcing us to look at reality from ourselves and our desires. It obliged us to think our own thoughts' (Cecena, 2004) Ultimately despite their limited numbers and resources the Zapatistas proved to everyone through their own conviction and commitment that another world is possible yet the only world worth creating is one where everyone freely participates in its creation, a world of dignity, a world for humanity, a world for freedom, justice and democracy. To achieve this we must never stop thinking for ourselves, asking questions and listening for the answers. What questions do you think we should be asking? What do you think are the answers?...
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